PoliSci Short Essay
China’s of Growth Path from a Global Standpoint: Friend of Foe?
Over four decades after China ended her self-sufficiency autarky policies, the country still finds relatively small acceptance on the major international theatres. While most OECD countries have relatively friendly or dependent ties on China because of its growing economic importance, many countries still have conflict with China over various issues, such as territorial disputes, intellectual property rights, and outsourcing of employments. Meanwhile, many third world developing countries are constructing increasingly friendly ties with China. In Asia Pacific, resources, territorial conflicts, and historical grudging are constantly shaping China’s relations with her neighbors. In order to build a comprehensive understanding of China’s position in the world, it is essential to look into the reasons behind China’s relation with different parts of the globe. This paper, while briefly introduces China’s current and historical relations with several parts of the wosrld, argues that ideological differences, economic reciprocity as a result of good neighbor policy, and alternative to the United States are the major causes that dictates international acceptance of China’s rise.
As Dambisa Moyo contends in her book, with China’s rapid growth in industrialization and urban middle class, there already exists an unstoppable demand for evermore resources (M, 42-43). China pursued a kitchen sink policy and began to invest in broad selection of resources including coal, solar energy, hydropower, etc., meanwhile actively seeking energy resources that is independent from the global market (M, 60). Though Moyo’s views are overly energy-deterministic, she does convey correctly about the importance of oil to China. As a consequence of the growing middle class consumption, the scarcity and depletion of oil significantly increased. As Dittmer and Yu writes in their book, “given its massive economic development requirements, China’s relations with Africa were founded, on both a broader and deeper political and economic relationship (TY31).” After China realized its energy crisis in 1993, the regime in Beijing has been viewing the world from an increasingly resource-oriented way. This new perspective makes Africa peculiarly significant as an energy source. China’s overtures are also very well received in Africa. Pew survey found that in most African countries, more people view China’s influence positively than make the American ones (M, 167). Above all, the Chinese state owned enterprises’ (SOEs) equity purchase policies greatly benefit the African countries (M, 142). Moreover, China’s policies in Africa are welcomed because of the country’s historical support to the anti-imperialist movements (Lec). Africa were invaded and colonized by the European powers since the late 18th century. After the independence of many African countries after WWII, many countries still are dependent economically and politically on their former colonizers. During the Maoist era, China characterized itself as the leader of the anti-imperialist movement. African countries also tend to agree with China’s non-aligned movement (Lec). Consequently, as Friedman argues, African countries perceive China as supporting their cause, and at the same time they perceive the Chinese anti-imperialist cause as their own. For this reason, China’s policies are more welcomed in Africa than other OECD countries. Moreover, China provides no-string attached aids and investments to many African countries (Lec). In a way, this kind of aids and investments enraged numerous European countries, which use string-attached investments, attempting to make Africa conform to domestic political reform. However, as Friedman argues, the no-string attached investments by China do have significant positive effect on the African countries’ economy (M, 168). The no-string attached investments are also welcomed by the African countries’ governments, for they are often unable or unwilling to conform to the conditionalities advanced by the European countries. Furthermore, because of the fast economic development in China, the country is perceived by the African countries as an example of success.
However, there also exist many problems in Chinese-African relations. Despite China’s anti-imperialist stand during the Maoist era, China has long been chided for dominating Africa with neo-colonialism. Many of the complaints are indeed true. For example, as Friedman contends, China imports huge amount of Chinese construction workers to Africa, thus makes little contribution to job creations in those countries. To respond these problems and criticisms, China is encouraged to deepen multilateral transparency and economic reciprocity in Africa. For example, China can hire and train more local workers in order to further promote local economic development and enhance China’s influence in the region (L). China’s foreign policy is not wedded for every detail, but China will stay resolute on the general philosophy of growing into an economic leader for African countries. However, China should not give in to the European criticism by improving its projects’ environmental friendliness or add condition to the investments, because from a CCP perspective, they are the Chinese way of growth. As Friedman contends, China is always trying to establish the image as an alternative way of development to the European and US ones. It is important for China to demonstrate to the world that one does not need to democratize to have economic growth (L).
East Asia is another important but complicated region for China in her foreign policies. The legacies of the second Sino-Japanese War have been frequently casting shadows on the Sino-Japanese relationship. During the Maoist era, the CCP regime held a conciliatory and forgiving attitude towards Japan. However, in the 1980s, Deng Xiaoping opened the door for anti-Japanese sentiments in order to use nationalism to legitimize the CCP’s rule. After the 1989 democratic movement and its subsequent “Patriotic Education Campaign”, the hardline military faction grows against Japan (Lec). After 1998, China totally turned Japan against it by becoming increasingly assertive in nationalist rhetoric and disputed islands. After Hu came to power in 2002, a “good neighbor policy” has been endorsed by the CCP in order to promote better relations among China and her neighbors (Lec). However, the Sino-Japanese relation did not show significant improvement because of various incidents, such as the second North Korean missile crisis and the Senkaku island dispute. As China’s military power grows, Japan becomes increasingly worried about China’s nationalism and assertiveness (C, 99).
Similar to Japan, China’s relations with Southeast Asian countries are also characterized by this worry over China’s nationalism and assertiveness According to Saez and Chang, beneath China five principles of peaceful coexistence, lies an unofficial program of commercial diplomacy (D&Y, 94). Southeast Asian countries hold significant trading importance with China, these nations accounts for large portion of trading with China. Chinese government is focused on commercial relations that China seek as panacea in curing the Asian conflict, therefore china’s policy in Southeast Asia is primarily led by commercial reciprocity. At the beginning of the economic cooperation, China avidly disclosed its intention in engagement with ASEAN, whilst china's integration in East Asian community is also perceived as key factor to the emergence of a peaceful international order, because for many Southeast Asian countries, China is deemed as an alternative choice to the US. Additionally, Southeast Asian countries hold geographically crucial points in China’s sea line of communication, which is essential for China’s energy supply (D&Y, 87). Moreover, China is also ambitious in gaining the natural gas and oil in the South China Sea. Because of the area’s strategic importance, China intends to become increasingly assertive in the region, causing several major disputes over islands (D&Y, 64). The reason behind this is that the U.S. navy controls much of these supply route, which makes China feels threatened and insecure because of the U.S. is viewed as an existential threat after the 1989 (Lec). Hardline military factions in China claims that the country will not be secured until China gains total control over this supply route. Moreover, Chinese nationalism makes the situation worse. China feels it has a historical and natural right to this region’s submission and respect.
However, like Friedman characterizes China’s relations with many of her neighbors as “hot economy, cold politics”, despite the disagreement and conflict, China is still able to impose considerable influence on the Asia-Pacific (Lec). Because of China’s rise, many Southeast Asian countries feel restrained from China’s economic suppression because those countries lack sufficient leverage while competing with Chinese export (D&Y, 65).
The China’s trajectory and economic development bifurcates as china demonstrate its intentions in leading Asia into a political integration and militarily vehemently pouring large investment into South China Sea and balancing its peripheral territories, which enraged its neighbors, namely, Vietnam, Philippines, Malaysia, Japan, and even its close counterpart Taiwan (Lec). On one hand, China’s willingness to serve as the leading force triggered East Asian countries to counteract, and check make China’s intent. Several Asian countries joined hands to defend china’s proposal in leading Asian community, among those countries, are Philippines and Thailand (C, 65). On the other hand, to secure china’s future supply of energy, Chinese government has not subdued its idea in removing and replacing US navy from Indian Ocean, Persian Gulf and surrounding waters (D&Y, 95). Furthermore, South China Sea is rich in oil reserve, gas and fish, and it is weaved by critical sea lines of communications. The biggest choke point being Malacca Strait, as mentioned above, after 1993, Chinese leadership reevaluates the world through an energy driven lens sharpening the energy competition among East Asian countries. Hundreds of Chinese trade vessels passes through Indian Ocean and Malacca strait everyday (C, 143). Therefore, China’s claiming of the entire South China Sea and increased military presence in Indian Ocean has sufficiently irritates India. Too soon after China’s economic engagement and expansion in East Asia did china declare its military ambition. As Chellenay contends in his book, China’s energy demand started to noticeable influence strategic thinking and military planning in the South China Sea and Indian Ocean (C, 135). With china seeking more influence and control over strategic waterways including South China Sea and Indian Ocean by deploying commercial and military vessels in those sea lines of communications (e). Although India is not directly involved in the territorial dispute with China, India is prepared to act and to protect its own regional economic interest (C, 138).
Furthermore, China’s relationships with the above mentioned regions have profound impact on China’s relationship with the OECD countries. While China sees itself as promoting peace and prosperity and gaining back her original hegemonic position in these regions, the OECD countries perceive China as threatening their economies and their way of life. For example, the no-string attached investments in Africa is perceived as undermining democracy internationally; the assertiveness in the Southeast Asia is seen as aggression to the American’s dominance in the region. Therefore, mutual misunderstanding and hostility will grow and one cannot exclude the possibility of a power transitional war if China did not change its course of action.
Now, let’s repeat China’s five principles of peaceful coexistence, “mutual respect for each other’s territorial integrity and sovereignty, mutual non aggression, mutual non interference in each others internal affairs, equality and mutual benefit and peaceful co-existence”. Not to romanticize Hu or Xi’s foreign policy, but judging by the newspaper headline in the last 30 days after Xi’s anointment, china merely adhere to any of those policies: Hainan sea police declare investigation towards any suspicious shipping vessels in China’s EEZ, updated map on Chinese passport enclosing disputed areas, china shipping boat intervening Vietnam research operation ship, etc. A message can be inferred, Xi wants to upgrade china into a complete hardliner, instead of being a policy taker and subdue itself under the existing international rules, China need to gain a reputation of policy maker. Can china escape the curse of a violent transition of hegemon? sThe international climate is inclement for china’s any attempt to gain its international hegemon status, for prudent policy makers, we simply cannot only rely on establishing economic dependency with countries to achieve china’s global integration. It is hard to be big and be good at the same time, nevertheless it might be unwise to abandon or deteriorate economic ties with any partner. The core value of foreign policy for any CCP administration should take on a friendly approach and welcoming attitude instead of the other way around. China should understand and respect that China is not the “natural and just” leader of Asia-Pacific. China should achieve its regional hegemon position by peaceful and non-bullying measures.
Now perhaps a bigger question could be asked, how should China peacefully transit into its ideal hegemonic position without power transitional war with the U.S.. While the CCP regime holds that China is only attempting to rise peacefully, the regime should understand this belief cannot be sincerely understood by America and the rest of the world. Therefore, China should make conciliatory and less-aggressive gestures to convince the world of its peaceful intention.